Entrance Examination, February 2015 MA Political Science
Maximum marks: 100 Time: 2 hrs
Hall Ticket No.
INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES
1.
Write your HaJJ Ticket Number in the OMR answer sheet given to you. Also write the Hall Ticket Number in the space provided above.

2.
This question paper consists of Two parts-Part A and Part B. Answers are to be marked on the OMR answer sheet following the instructions provided thereupon.

3.
Part A of the question consists of 60 objective type questions of one mark each for a total of 60 marks.

4.
Part B has comprehension tests with 5 passages. Read carefully each passage followed by eight questions


each and answer the respective questions in OMR answer sheets. Each question in Part B carries one mark for a total of 40 marks.
5. There is negative marking. Each wrong answer in Part A and Part B carries -0.33 mark.
6. Hand over the OMR answer sheet at the end ofthe examination to the invigilator.

7. No additional sheet(s) will be provided. Rough work can be done all the question paper itself or in the space provided at the end of the booklet.

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Part A
(Objective Type)
Answer all questions.
Mention the correct answer C or in the OMR answer sheet provided.

1. The idea of tacit consent is formulated by:
A. JohnLocke
B. J-J Rousseau
C. Alex Tocqueville
D. Antonio Gramsci
2. Utilitarians advocate the idea of:
A. Profits being used for welfare of the poor only
B. Greatest happiness of the greatest number
C. Welfare state
D. Socialist state
3. Plato proposes the ideal form of rule to be that of:
A. Tyrants
B. Democrats
C. Socialists
D. Philosopher
4. Match the following books with their authors:
i. The Republic a. Machiavelli
ii. Politics b. Plato
111. The Prince c. Aristotle
The correct answer is:
A. iii-c
B. iii-a
C. iii-b
D. iii-a
5. Match the following books with their authors:
i. My Experiments with Truth a. Tilak
ii. Gitarahasya b. Tagore
iii. Gora c. Gandhi
The correct option is:
A. iii-c
B. iii-a
C. iii-b
D. None of the above
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6. Rousseau's concept of 'general will' includes:
A. The will ofmany
B. The will ofone
C. The will ofall
D. The will of a few
7. Which one ofthe following is a necessary feature ofthe Nation?
A. Territory
B. Common language
C. Sovereignty
D. Feeling ofoneness
8. Who wrote A Contribution to the Critique ofPolitical Economy?
A. Jeremy Bentham
B. Karl Marx
C. JS Mill
D. Antonio Gramsci
9. In which text the phrase'Arise, awake and stop not till the goal is reached' to be found?
A. The Bhagvadgita
B. Anandmath
C. The Vedas
D. Katha Upanishad
10. The Satya Shodhak SamaJ was established by:
A. B.R. Ambedkar
B. M.K. Gandhi
C. Jotirao Phule
D. M.N. Roy
11. The Latin terms de jure and defacto mean respectively:
A. Potentially and Actually
B. Legally and Customarily
C. Judicial and Formal
D. Existing in Law and Existing in Fact
12. According to Aristotle, when many well-off people rule for amassing wealth, the regime IS
A. Democracy
B. Oligarchy
C. Monarchy
D. Aristocracy
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13. Who among the following is closely associated with Politics-Administration Dichotomy?
A. Frank J. Goodnow
B. Woodrow Wilson
C. LD White
D. F W Taylor
14. Match the following:
Title of the book Author
1. Introduction to Study ofPublic Administration a.WF Willoughby
ii. Principles ofPublic Administration b. David Osborne and Ted Gaebler
111. The Theory ofSocial and Economic Organization c. LD White
iv. Reinventing ofGovernment d. Max Weber
A. iii-c, iv-d
B. iii-c, iv-a
C. iii-b, iv-d
D. ii-a,. iii-d, iv-b
15. Chronologically order the stages in the evolution of Public Administration:
Stage Duration
1. Politics -Administration Dichotomy a. 1927-1937
11. Principles of Public Administration b.1948-1970
Ill. Era of Challenge c.1938-1947

IV.
Crisis of Identity d.1887-1926

A.
iii-d, iv-a

B.
iii-a, iv-c

C.
iii-c, iv-b

D.
iii-c, iv-b


16. Who coined the term POSDCORB?
A. L. Gulick and L. Urwick
B. L. Gulick
C. L. Urwick
D. Henry Fayol
17. The Office of the District Collector in India is based on the principle of
A. Delegation
B. Deconcentration
C. Decentralization
D. Devolution
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18. Which ofthe folloving pairs is correctly matched:
1. Coordination a. Follet
ii. Formal authority b. Barnard
111. Unity of command c. Simon
iv.
Span of control d. Mooney

A.
I-a

B.
ii-b

C.
iii-b

D.
iv-d


19. A strong critique of Scientific Management Theory came from:
A. Classical Thinkers
B. Behaviouralists
C. Managers
D. Trade Unions
20. Which ofthe following is not a basic characteristic feature of Weberian model of bureaucracy?
A. The impersonal order
B. Nepotism
C. Hierarchy
D. System of rule
21. The Planning Commission of India was constituted through:
A. An ordinary executive order
B. The Constitution
C. A Parliamentary Act
D. A Supreme Court Order
22. The institution of Lokpal is recommended by:
A. Paul Appleby ComInittee
B. Sarkaria Commission
C. First and Second Administrative Reforms Commissions
D. Election Comn1ission of India
23. According to which of the following theories is leadership multi-dimensional?
A. Situational
B. Behavioral
C. Trait
D. Institutional
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24. Aadhaar is
A. Policy document
B. Ration card number
C. Personal license
D. Individual identification number
25. Who authored, Working a Democratic Constitution: A History a/the Indian Experience?
A. D.D. Basu
B. Granville Austin
C. B.R. Nanda
D. M.V. Pylee
26:
According.to Rajni Kothari, one of the following was not a feature of the 'Congress
system':


A.
Parties of pressure

B.
Single party system

C.
'One party dominant system

D.
Party of consensus


27. Which of the following is not true about a Money Bill in India?
A. It can be introduced only in the Sabha
B. It requires the prior permission of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha to be introduced
C. It requires approval of the President of India after it is passed
D. It can be introduced in either Houses of the Parliament
rd th
28. The 73 and 74Constitutional amendments do not apply to one of the following states:
A. Meghalaya
B. Himachal Pradesh
C. Sikkim
D. Andhra Pradesh
29. The Election Comn1ission of India is
A. Institution attached to the Presidential office
B. Constitutional institution
C. Statutory body
D. Parliamentary commission
30. Defection is associated with
A. Political party
B. Court of law
C. State boundary
D. Maritime law
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31. In India, a person can be a member of Cabinet without being a member of Parliament for
a maximum period of:
A.. Six months

B. Six weeks
C. One year
D. Five years
32. Which one of the following objectives is not embodied in the Preamble ofthe Indian Constitution?
A. Liberty ofthought
B. Liberty ofbelief
C. Economic liberty
D. Liberty of faith and worship
33. Who administers the oath of office to the President of India?
A. Vice-President of India
B. Speaker of Lok Sabha
C. Chief Election Commissioner
D. Chief Justice ofIndia
34. Which Schedule ofthe Indian constitution contains the Union, State and Concurrent Lists?
A. First schedule
B. Tenth schedule
C. Seventh schedule
D. Fourth schedule
35. Vhic.h one of the following parties is a part ofthe NDA government led by Narendra
Modi?
A.·DMK

B. BSP
C. TDP
D. RJD
36. Who among the following in the union cabinet has never been a chiefminister?
A. Manohar Parikkar
B. Thaawar Chand Gehlot
C. Uma Bharati
D. V. Sadananda Gowda
•
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37. 'Fourteen Points' is associated with:
A. Franklin D. Roosevelt
B.· Clement Attlee

C. Winston Churchill
o. Woodrow Wilson
38. 'Bay of Pigs Invasion' is related to:
A. Cold War
B. Second World War
C. World War I
D. Napoleonic Wars
39. Which one of the following cities is the headquarters of Asian Development Bank
A. Manila
B. Bangkok
C. Kuala Lumpur
D. Singapore
40. 'Islamic State' is an extremist outfit actively involved in:
A. Pakistan and Afghanistan
B. Palestine and Lebanon
C. Syria and Iraq
D. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait
41. 'Sir Creek' is a foreign policy issue between:
A. India and Sri Lanka
B. India and Pakistan
C. India and Nepal
D. India and Myanmar
42. The term 'axis powers' during the Second World War referred to:
A. China, Burma, Afghanistan
B. US, Britain, France
C. Germany, Japan, Italy
D. Turkey, Spain, Greece
43. The author of Arthashastra is:
A. Charvaka
B. Chanakya
C. Varahamihara
.D. Panini

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44. One of the following is not a regional organisation:
A. SAARC
B. CTBT
C. NAFTA
D. ASEAN

45. The Farakka agreement between India and Bangladesh is related to:
A. Sharing of river water
B. A disputed island in the Bay of Bengal
C. Pooling intelligence to fight terrorism
D. Exchange of enclaves
46. The ancient 'Silk road' was between:
A. Varanasi and Delhi
B. China and Mediterranean
C. Kanchipuram and Varanasi
D. China and Mongolia
47. Siachen is a disputed territory between:
A. India and China
B. India and Nepal
C. India and Myanmar
D. India and Pakistan
48. Woodrow Wilson was associated with the founding of:
A. International Labour Organisation
B. United Nations
C. League ofNations
D. Red Cross
49. Which of the following countries are hybrid regimes?
A. Sri Lanka and Finland
B. Botswana and Senegal
C. Austria and Belgium
D. Italy and Iceland
50. Which ofthe following is a feature of parliamentary systems?
A. Head of government is elected for fixed term
B. Head of government is dependent on the confidence of the legislature
C. Head of government is directly elected
D. Head of government controls the executive as an individual

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51. The constructive vote of no-confidence is associated with:
A. Germany
1;3. Japan

C. Australia
D. Russia
52. One of the following depicts a pattern of interest group politics in which the state plays a significant role in the formation and activities of interest groups:
A. Corporatism
B. Pluralism
C. Statism
. D. Groupism

53. Structural-functionalism was introduced to Political Science by:
A. The Behavioral Revolution
B. Traditional Political Science
C. Post-Behavioralism
D. The Second Scientific Revolution
54. Which of the following is not true of traditional Comparative Politics?
A. Narrow empirical scope
B. Formallegal approach
C. Focus on political behaviour
D. Lack of systematic comparison
55. Bureaucracy refers to:
A. Civil society activists
B. Judges
C. Administrative officials
D. Elected leaders
56. Which one of these contests elections?
A. Political Party
B. Caste group
C. Social movement
D. Interest Group
57. The offering of public resources in return for electoral support is called:
A. Nepotism
B. Patronage
C. -Pork-barrel
D. Red T31pism
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H-2.c
58. A party systeln in which one party is constantly in office, either governing alone or in coalition, is usually called:
A. One party system
B. Dominant party system
C. Partyless system
D. Partisan democracy
59. An Ombudsman is:
A. A public official who investigates allegations of maladministration in the public sector
B. The head of the civil services
C. A public official who links the government and the market institutions
D. A public official who links the central and state government in federal countries
60. Fill in the blank: Modernisation and growth are destructive forces that could rip societies apart if there are no strong to mediate the chaos that could occur' (Samuel Huntington).
A. Institutions
B. Political Parties
C. Interest Groups
D. Leadership
PartB
(Comprehension tests)
Instructions
Part B has comprehension tests with 5 passages. Read carefully each passage followed by eight questions each and answer the respective questions in the OMR answer sheet. Each question in Part B carries one mark for a total of 40 marks.
Passage 1
The effect of caste on the ethics of the Hindus is siInply deplorable. Caste has killed public spirit. Caste has destroyed the sense of public charity. Caste has made public opinion impossible. A Hindu's public is his caste. His responsibility is only to his caste. His loyalty is restricted only to his caste. Virtue has become caste-ridden, and morality has become caste-bound. There is no sympathy for the deserving. There is no appreciation of the meritorious. There is no charity to the needy. Suffering as such calls for no response. There.is charity, but it begins with the caste and ends with the caste. There is sympathy, but not for men of other castes.
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Would a Hindu acknowledge and follow the leadership of a great and good man? The case of Mahatma apart the answer must be that he will follov a leader if he is a man of his caste. A Brahmin will follow a leader only if he is a Brahmin, a Kayastha, if he is a Kayastha, and so on. The capacity to appreciate merit in a man, apart from his caste, does not exist in a Hindu. There is appreciation of virtue, but only when the man is a fellow caste-man. The whole morality is as bad as tribal morality. My caste-man, right or wrong; my caste-man, good or bad. It is not a case of standing by virtue or not standing by vice. It is a case of standing by, or not standing by, the caste. Have not Hindus committed treason against their country in the interests of their caste? (Source: The Essential Writings of B.R. Ambedkar, ed., Valerian Rodrigues, New Delhi: OUP, 2002, p.275).
Answer questions 61-68 based on the passage above:
61. The controversy referred to above is regarding:
A. Caste
B. Hindu society
C. Ethics
D. Effects of caste on ethics
62. Caste has killed:
A. Ethics
B. Hindu society
C. Hindu ethics
D. Public charity
63. A Hindu's public is:
A. His ethics
B. His public opinion
C. His caste
D. It is better neither to be feared nor loved
64. A Hindu's loyalty is:
A. To his caste
B. To his sense of ethics
C. To his morality
D. To his public opinion
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65. For the Hindu, virtue and morality are bound by:
A.. His religion
B. Public opinion

C. Hindu society
D. His caste
66. What capacity is said to be non-existent in a Hindu?
A. Capacity to appreciate merit of a man regardless of his opinions
B. Capacity to appreciate merit of a man regardless of his age
C. Capacity to appreciate merit of a man regardless of his caste
D. Capacity to appreciate merit of a man regardless of his religion
67. The virtues that the passage refers to are:
A. Sympathy, Honesty, Charity, Compassion
B. Charity, Public Spirit, Courage, Friendliness
C. Courage, Sympathy, Simplicity, Patience
D. Public Spirit, Loyalty, Charity, Sympathy
68. The opposite of 'virtue' is:
A. Tribal Morality
B. Kayastha Culture
C. Vice
D. Merit
Passage 2
The largest public employment programme the world has ever seen is in trouble. In 2013-14 (Financial Year), 74 million individuals in 48 million households in rural India were employed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act progran1me with each household on average finding work for 46 days. This cost the Government of India Rs 39,000 crore last year, or barely 0.5% of gross domestic product. But the National Democratic Alliance government has Inade no secret of its lukewarm support for the MGNREGA which it sees as too closely identified with the previous United Progressive Alliance government. The Government of India has now imposed a cap on the release of funds to individual states. And two major proposals that are being seriously considered are, one, to restrict the scheme to identified backward blocks in the country and, two, to alter the ratio of expenditure between wages and material in favour of the latter. All these add up to essentially dismantling the demand-driven character of MGNREGA and reducing the amount of employment that can be generated every year. This is the beginning surely of a gradual whittling away at the programme, with the ultimate aim perhaps of winding it up altogether. If that were to indeed happen it will be a great
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disservice to the tens of millions of the poor and marginalised who have benefited from this guarantee of up to 100 days of work for a rural household. True, MGNREGA has been neither an· unqualified nor a universal success. But we should not deny that it has been a moderate success in providing employment support to the rural poor.
There are wide variations in the working of MGNREGA across the country, but on balance four positive outcomes stand out. MGNREGA provides some income security to the rural poor; it has resulted in the creation of productive assets in and outside agriculture; the high level of female participation (400/0 of those on the worksites are women) has contributed to a degree of women's and a modest tightening of the rural labour market has taken place, contributing to higher real wage rates and reservation wages.
There are indeed many major problems in the design and administration of the programme. Corruption occurs; at times, wages are paid late; gram sabhas do not always have the technical human power to design the right kind of works; and adequate attention is not always paid to the type and quality of assets created.
Critics who have never been willing to accept the need for a self-selecting employment guarantee scheme in rural India have been quick to use anecdotal evidence of one or the other shortcoming in some areas to make countrywide generalisations and trash the programme. (Excerpted from: Editorial, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol -XLIX No. 43-44, November 01,2014).
Answer 69-76 based on the passage above.
69. What is the percentage of GDP, which is being spent on MGNREGA?
A.0.5%

B. 50/0
C. 70/0
D.
70. During the financial year 2013-14, how many families were employed under MGNREGA?
A. 74 million
B. 36 million
C. 48 million
D. none
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71. What are the changes that the NDA Government wants to make to MGNREGA?
A. Restrict it to backward blocks and make changes in wage and material ratio
B. Extend it to urban areas and to government employees
C. Extend it to tribal and urban areas
D. Change from demand driven to supply oriented and from welfare to market oriented
72. What is the major contribution of MGNREGA to vage labour?
A. Higher real wage rates
B. Lower real wage rates
C. Market wage rates
D. Rural wage rates
73. According to the passage, the purpose of changes in the implementation of MGNREGA is?
A. Improve its performance
B. Perhaps a gradually winding up
C. Make it viable to contractors
D. Mechanization
74. Which ofthe following is true froln the experiences ofMGNREGA?
A. Income security, creation of productive assets and high level of female participation
B. High level of male participation, income security, creation of non-producti've assets
C. Wastage ofpublic money, and low level offemale participation
D. Ecological imbalance, laziness among job seekers and entry of contactors
75. According to the passage, what are the problems in the implementation ofMGNREGA?
A. Pro-contractors and machines
B. Political intervention and bureaucratic domination
C. Delay in releasing of funds and centralization
D. Late payments and lack of quality assets
76. Critics trash the programme on the basis of:
A. Rural bias of the programme
B. Countrywide generalisations
C. Bureaucratic hassles
D. Two shortcomings of the programme
Passage 3
India has been going through an experience well known to the historically inclined students of political economy: namely, a clash between democracy and capitalism. Most wealthy democracies have had this experience at a certain stage of development. Let us begin with a simple question:"what produces the clash between democracy and capitalism? Fundamentally,
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•

the building blocks of the two systems -democracy and capitalism -are different. Democracy is premised on the idea of political equality. Capitalism is fundamentally about economic freedoms: freedom to buy and sell, freedom to invest and make a profit. The matter more in the economic market; the poor, especially if they are numerous, count for more in the market for votes.
By giving the right to vote to the subaltern, democracy inevitably tends to put restrictions on economic freedoms. When such restrictions are viewed as excessive, capitalism often punishes democracy. The term "investment strike" best expresses this phenomenon. Faced with a government going supposedly too far in the direction of the poor, the capitalist can simply refuse to invest. This has well-known consequences for Without investment, the democratic project of welfare or redistribution begins to falter. One must, therefore, enlarge the cake in order to split it. The balance between the democratic desire to provide mass welfare and the capitalist impulse towards economic freedom has been a concern for all democracies.
As at some historical point in the other market-based democracies, capitalism and democracy are at odds in India Because universal franchise was instituted at a low level of income and the less educated and the poor have started voting more than the rich, India's democracy has felt an acute pressure to develop a welfare state even before reaching a high level of income. Moreover, since most of India's low-income population comes from four social categories -the scheduled tribes, the scheduled castes, lower OBCs and Muslims -the polity has moved quite decisively towards their concerns. What mainstream economists derisively call the reckless populism of India's government is, in fact, the call of a poor democracy.
Mainstream economists would like India's governments to rely on long-term, growth-based plans for poverty alleviation, interfering little with the market....mainstream economists are absolutely right in one sense. If, in the process of attending to the bottom half or two-thirds, India's democracy adopts policies that choke the growth process, it will not be able to provide mass welfare either. Revenues to fund welfare programmes depend heavily on economic growth, which in turn is substantially dependent on investment. Therefore, regardless of what the masses want, democracies. must also please investors. The morale of the narrative sketched above is quite simple. If investment and growth have serious implications for mass welfare, restore investor confidence with greater incentives and simpler rules of doing business. It is not anti­poor to be pro-investment. (Excerpted from: Ashutosh Varshney, 'Democracy vs. Capitalism', Indian Express, September 11,2013).
Answer questions 77-84 based on the passage above..
77. According to the author, democracy is premised on the iQ.ea of:
A. equality
B. Profit motive
C. Economic freedom
D. Political differences
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78. According to the author, giving the right to vote to the subaltern restricts:
A. Economic boundaries
B. Basic freedoms
C. Economic freedoms
D. Personal freedoms
79. The term 'Investment strike' in this passage refers to:
A. Providing welfare to the owners of industry
B. Increase economic freedoms for investors
C. Capitalists refusing to invest
D. Striking a balance between the investors and the poor
80. Why has Indian democracy come under pressure to develop a welfare state?
A. Middle class voters want more welfare from government
B. The mainstream economists want the government to spend more on welfare programmes
C. Capitalists want to enlarge the cake in order to redistribute it
D. Less educated and poor vote more than the rich
81. The term 'reckless populism' in this passage means:
A. Government making policies in favour of low-income population
B. Polity moving towards the concerns of the middle classes
C. Attempts to bring the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes into the mainstream
D. Enacting policies for investments in stock market
82. What kind of policies do the mainstream economists want the Indian government to adopt? .
A. Prioritise the concerns of the middle class over those of the remaining two-thirds
B. Prioritise the concerns of the subalterns over those of the middle class
C. Less interference with economic freedoms to ensure economic growth
D. Regulate markets to prevent the emergence of monopoly practices in markets
83. The author of this passage thinks that:
A. Government should use revenues to fund welfare programmes
B. Economic growth should be a priority, even if it cuts into welfare expenditure
C. Economic growth and mass welfare should go together
D. Government should cater to the needs of the bottom half of the population
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r


84. The author says that populism of governments is the call of a poor democracy. Why? A.. Governments fund welfare programmes for the poor who are numerous
B. Governments offer greater incentives and simpler rules of doing business for the investors
C. Ruling parties encourage poorer classes to vote more than the rich in elections
D. Governments depend heavily on economic growth and long-term plans for poverty alleviation
Passage 4
Middle power, faced with the strategies of containment and satellization on the part of the great power, may decide that the pursuit of an independent foreign policy is too costly and it may choose bandwagon or accept the position as a foreign policy-satellite of the great power. Or it may simply accept the great power's leadership role with the expectation that it would receive econon1ic and security side-payments; that is, market access and security protection. On the other hand, if it chooses to persist with a foreign policy of independence, the middle power may adopt a short-term policy of alliance; to the extent that the power configuration in the international system allows it, in order to cope with the pressures of containment and satellization. If the possibilities of the alliance are not open, however, there may be no alternative but to become satellized. Even if the possibility of alliance is available, some middle pow"ers may still want to pursue a longer-term policy of building economic and military capabilities for the purpose of assuring foreign -policy autonomy under possible adverse circumstances in the future. For historical reasons, some nliddle powers may focus more on economic than on military capabilities. In such cases, the role security provider could be delegated to the great power or to a collective alliance, as there may be immense payoffs in terms of free-riding. The security protection role could also bring market access, as the protecting power Inay delegate some of the economic activities to the protected power. Thus, elites with clever strategies, as in the case of Japan and Korea vis-a-vis the US, may well use security cooperation as great opportunity for economic advancement and endeavor to build their military capabilities as well. But even in these cases, middle powers may still be sensitive to questions concerning their power position in the international system and endeavor to build their military capabilities incrementally. (Source: India in the World Order: Searching for Major Power Status, 2004, Baldev Raj Nayar T.V. Paul, New Delhi: Cambridge Foundation, p.6)
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Answer questions 85-92 based on the passage above.
85:
Which of the following will be a most suitable heading for the above mentioned passage?

A.
Great Powers and their Economic Policies

B.
Defiance policies of Middle Powers

C.
Middle level Powers and Foreign Policy Strategies

D.
Foreign Policies of East Asian States


86. Security cooperation is a route for:
A. Military resource sharing and regional development
B. Economic development and military development
C. Military development and social development
D. Regional development
87. What are the different possibilities available to middle powers in the likely event of containment and satellization?
A. To join the great power
B. Bandwagon
C. To involve in an alliance with great power
D. All of the above
88. The countries which focus more on economic issues than on military would:
A. Take over security functions by themselves
B. Delegate security provider role to a great power or a collective alliance
C. Delegate security functions to a global institution
D. Delegate security functions to a private agency
89. According to this passage, what would happen to a state if it is satellized and contained?
A. Policy autonomy luay go up
B. Policy autonomy will become stagnant
C. Policy autonomy will be reduced"
D. All of the above
90. What are the options available if a middle level power is satellized and contained?
A. Yield to a great power
B. Enter into a security alliance
C. Accept great power's leadersnip role
D. All ofthe above
91. Middle level states would behave:
A. Differently according to the options and perspectives
B. In a uniform manner
C. II) an erratic manner
D.None of the above

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92. Elites with clever strategies would attempt to achieve the following through security cooperation:
A. Build the military
B. Build econoiny
C. Build military and economy
D. Build 'military and social sector
Passage 5
Party, identification is defined as a long-tenn psychological identification with a particular political party and has long been one of the most reliable indicators of the individual vote. If a voter identifies strongly with a political party, the voter is likely to vote for that party in an election. Political partisanship is primarily transmitted during childhood; children will imitate their parents in terms of the political parties they identify with, and this identification lasts weI! into adulthood. Family is not the only agent of socialization; education, occupation, and social networks serve as alternative venues in the transmission of political partisanship. Although party identification can be influenced by social demographic factors, ideological and issue orientations playa role in the identification of a voter with a specific political party. Party identification has a central role in the study of democracies because political parties provide a linkage for the voters with their government. Political parties can serve as an infonnation cue for voters in elections by educating voters on political issues and candidates, and political parties can mobilize voters to vote in elections.
The discovery of a decline in the percentage of citizens identifying with a specific political party at the end of the 20th century has led to some concern" Initially, partisan realignment was thought to be taking place because of fluctuations in elections in the 1970s and 1980s. Voters were not voting consistently for the same parties over election cycles, as they once had. Partisan realignment is the conversion, or realignment, of large numbers of voters from one political party to another political party. Public opinion research supported a different argument: Voters were not realigning themselves, but instead were displaying dealignment, or an erosion in party loyalties. The evidence for dealignment included a decrease in party loyalty, lower levels of confidence in parties as political and an increase in the percentage of voters who not only shifted their votes from election to election but also waited longer to make their choices.
The sources of voter dealignment are said to range from a decrease in the importance of sociopolitical to changes in the mass media and" to changes in political parties themselves. (Excerpted from: Comparative Political Parties, Systems and Organizations by Alexandra Cole 150-159 Entry in 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook by
"
John T. Ishiyama, Marijke Breuning New York: Sage, 2011).
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Answer 93-100 based on the passage above.
93. Education, fanlily, occupation and social networks are called
A. Communication agents
B. Input agents
C. Socialization agents
D. Feedback mechanisms
94. In the study ofdemocracies, party identification has
A. Marginal role
.. B. Central role

C. Insignificant role
D. None ofthe above
95. Identification with a specific political party has:
A. Gone up
B. Come down
C. Remained the same
D. None ofthe above
96. Partisan realignment means:
A. Increase in non-voters
B. Decrease in registered voters
C. Equitable distribution of votes between two parties
D. Shift of voters from one party to another
97. Which thesis does public opinion research differ with:
A. Political dealignment thesis
B. Political balance thesis
C. Modernization thesis
D. Political realignment thesis
98. Which ofthe following is not an indicator of dealignment?
A. An increase in the percentage of voters who waited longer to make their choices
B. Lower levels ofconfidence in parties
C. Greater interest in politics
D. Decrease in party loyalty
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99. Besides socialization which ofthe following factors are important for party .identification?
a.
Ideology

b.
Issue orientation

c.
Leadership

d.
Location

A.
aandb

B.
aandc

C.
band d

D.
band c


100. The sources ofvoter dealignment also include changes in the:
A. Mass media
B. International opinion
C. Political climate
-Economy

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