Exam Details
Subject | political science | |
Paper | ||
Exam / Course | ma | |
Department | ||
Organization | central university | |
Position | ||
Exam Date | June, 2017 | |
City, State | telangana, hyderabad |
Question Paper
1. The term creamy layer is used in Indian politics to refer to the relatively wealthier and better educated members of certain social groups who are not eligible for reservations in government educational institutions and employment. Which of the following social group does it refer to?
Scheduled Castes
Scheduled Tribes
Backward Classes
Minorities
2. As per the Indian Constitution, which of the following conditions is not a valid ground for imposing Emergency in India:
External aggression or armed rebellion in a State
Government of a State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution
Financial stability of India or of any part of the territory is threatened
A political party other than the ruling party at the Centre comes to power at the State level
3. Match List I with List II and select the correct answer from the code given below.
Policy decision Political leader
Demonetisation PV Narasimha Rao
Economic reform policies VP Singh
Reservation for the OBCs Sonia Gandhi
Right to Information Act Narendra Modi
Codes a b c d
iv i iii ii
iv II iii
iv II 1II
iv II IV
4. Match List I with List II and select the correct answer from the code given below.
Aspect of Indian polity Constitutional provision
Fundamental Right Right against Exploitation
Fundamental Duty Right to Livelihood
Directive Principle Respect for National Anthem
Constitutional Right Right to Property
Codes a b c d
i iii ii iv
iv ii iii i
iv i ii iii
ii iii iv i
5. NITI Aayog was set up to replace
Inter-State Council
Empowered Group of Ministers (EGoMs)
National Advisory Council
Planning Commission
6. "The proper course for testing the strength of the Ministry is holding the test on the floor of the House" With which of the following judgements would you associate the above statement.
The State of Rajasthan vs. Union of India (1977)
S R Bommai vs. Union of India (1994)
Keshvananda Bharati vs. State of Kerala (1973)
Golaknath vs. State of Punjab (1967)
7. For a political party to be designated as a national party, in how many states does it have to be treated as a recognised party according to the Election Commission?
Four States
Two States
Five States
Six States
8. With which of the following articles would you associate Uniform Civil Code?
Article 21
Article 44
Article 51
Article 40
9. Read the following statements and identify whether they are correct or incorrect.
Statement PIL enabled the Judiciary in India to put in place a new regime of rights of citizens and obligations of the State as well as new methods for its accountabiIity.
Statement Over the years the social dimension of PIL has been diluted, and more emphasis has been placed on correcting the actions/omissions of various public bodies.
Select the correct answer from the following options:
A is true, B is false
A is false, B is true
AandBaretrue
A and B are false
10. Who presides over the joint session of both the Houses of India's Parliament?
President
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
Chairman of the Rajya Sabha
Speaker of the Lok Sabha
11. Which of following is NOT true about states reorganization in India?
The Parliament has the unilateral power to make or break states in India
The Parliament has to mandatorily consult the state and the opinion of the latter is binding on the Parliament
States have been created on the basis of language, administrative efficiency and developmental concerns
Telangana is the latest state created in 2014.
12. Which of the following is TRUE about 'money bill' in the Parliament?
It can be introduced in both houses of the Parliament
It must be introduced first in the Rajya Sabha
It must be introduced first in the Lok Sabha
The Rajya Sabha has the power to withhold money bill for unlimited period
13-20
Comprehension
Constitutionalism is commonly conceived to be the idea that there are legal constraints on the exercise of political authority. It places limits on state action, and conformity with the constitution becomes a guiding principle. But constitutions cannot be expected to remain static or place permanent restrictions on the future, and typically provide a means through which they can change. To prevent constitutionalism from becoming a hollow ideal, formal constitutional change is typically designed to be difficult. Sometimes a constitution sets a special threshold for changing the constitution; one that is higher than the ordinary entrenchment lever for standard laws. Although the Indian Constitution's requirement is nowhere as high as the Article V standard in the American Constitution, it nonetheless imposes a higher requirement for amending the Constitution as compared with enacting ordinary laws. This amending power is set forth in Article 368 and requires a supermajority: a two-thirds majority in Parliament and, in certain cases, the consent of half the states. Article 368 outlines the general amending power, and in some exceptional cases Parliament may change the Constitution through a simple majority.
(Source: Madhav Khosla, Oxford India Short Introductions to the Indian Constitution (New Delhi: OUP, 2014, Fifth Impression, pp.149-50).
Answer questions 13 to 20 based on the above passage.
13. Why does a constitution lay down difficult amendment procedures?
To ease legal constraints on the exercise of power
To make the constitution static and fixed
To make the threshold for constitutional change higher than ordinary and standard laws
To prevent constitutionalism from becoming a hollow ideal
14. Consider the following.
Constitutionalism implies imposing legal constraints on exercise of political authority
Constitutionalism limits state action
Constitutions are static
Changing a constitution is easier than enacting ordinary laws
From the above which of the following is true?
Only is true
and are true
Both and are false
and are false
15. Which of the following is true about India's Constitution?
Amending India's Constitution is not as difficult under Article V of American Constitution
It incorporates both difficult and easy amendment procedures
It only incorporates a very difficult amendment procedure
Only A and B are true
16. In amending the Indian Constitution a 'super-majority' means
Securing a two-third majority in the Parliament
Securing consent of half of the Indian states
Securing support not only of two-third majority in the Parliament but also securing consent of half of the Indian states
It refers to means of enacting ordinary laws
17. What is the guiding principle of constitutionalism?
Legal constraints on the exercise of political authority
Limits on state action
Ensuring that a constitution remains static and places permanent restrictions
To ensure conformity with the constitution
18. Which of the following best encapsulates Article 368 of India's Constitution?
It lays down constitutional amendment procedure
It lays down a super-majority requirement to amend certain provisions of the constitution
It lays down a simple-majority requirement to amend the Constitution in certain exceptional cases
All of the above are encapsulated in Article 368 of India's Constitution
19. What does 'special threshold' in the passage imply?
Changing the constitution
Laying down a higher requirement to bring change/amendment than enacting ordinary legislation
Enacting ordinary legislation
Preventing constitutionalism from becoming hollow
20. Which is true about 'simple majority' in the passage? about constitutional
It requires a two-third majority in the Parliament to change the constitution
It requires consent of half ofthe states to change the constitution
It is another name for super-majority
It requires a bare majority, that is, support of half of the members of the Parliament to change the constitution
21. Who says, "Family is the cradle of citizenship"?
Mazzini
Garibaldi
Cavour
Metternich
22. Who is the author of The Subjection ofWomen?
Jeremy Bentham
James Mill
JSMill
Mary Wollstonecraft
23. Which political ideology claims, 'greatest happiness of greatest number is the measure of right and wrong'?
Socialism
Utilitarianism
Communitarianism
Fascism
24. Who says that laws are commands of the sovereign backed by force?
John Austin
Harold Laski
John Locke
R. Ambedkar
25. The doctrine of separation of powers is attributed to
Machiavelli
Morgenthau
Montesquieu
Jean Bodin
26. The viewpoint that 'the state is an association of associations' is known as
Socialism
Anarchism
Monism
Pluralism
27. The view that 'property as theft' was held by
GWFHegel
Proudhon
Thomas Hobbes
John Locke 8
28. With the help from the following code, find out the proper sequence in which Locke's social contract is established:
Civil Society
State of Nature
Government
Social Contract
ii, iv, iii
iii, iv, ii
Ill, 11, IV
iv, ii, iii
29. Which of the following is not said by Marx?
Withering away of the state
The dictatorship of the proletariat
The fetishism of commodities
The state is a necessary evil
30. Who is of the view that the sovereign cannot tax subjects without their consent?
Jean Bodin
Thomas Hobbes
J J Rousseau
Karl Marx
31. Who is famous for the critique of totalitarianism?
Rosa Luxemburg
I-Janna Arendt
Joseph Stalin
Adolf Hitler
32. At what age Plato's Philosopher King completes education to be able to govern the state?
20 years
35 years
50 years
55 years
33-40
Comprehension
The path of social reform like the path to heaven at any rate in India, is strewn with many difficulties. Social reform in India has few friends and many critics. The critics fall into two distinct classes. One class consists of political reformers and the other of the socialists.
It was at one time recognized that without social efficiency no permanent progress in the other fields of activity was possible, that owing to mischief wrought by the evil customs, Hindu Society was not in a state of efficiency and that ceaseless efforts must be made to eradicate these evils. It was due to the recognition of this fact that the birth of the National Congress was accompanied by the foundation of the Social Conference. While the Congress was concerned with defining the weak points in the political organisation of the country, the Social Conference was engaged in removing the weak points in the social organisation ofthe Hindu Society. For some time the Congress and the Conference worked as two wings ofone common activity and they held their annual sessions in the same pandal. But soon the two wings developed into two parties, a Political Reform Party and a Social Reform Party, between whom there raged a fierce controversy. The Political Reform Party supported the National Congress and Social Reform Party supported the Social Conference. The two bodies thus became two hostile camps. The point at issue was whether social reform should precede political reform. For a decade the forces were evenly balanced and the battle was fought without victory to either side. It was however evident that the fortunes of the; Social Conference were ebbing fast. The gentlemen who presided over the sessions of the Social Conference lamented that the majority of the educated Hindus were for political advancement and indifferent to social reform and that while the number of those who attended the Congress was very large and the number who did not attend but who sympathized with it even larger, the number of those who attended the Social Conference was very much smaller. This indifference, this thinning of its ranks was soon followed by active hostility from the politicians. Under the leadership of the late Mr. Tilak, the courtesy with which the Congress allowed the Social Conference the use of its pandal was withdrawn and the spirit of enmity went to such a pitch that when the Social Conference desired to erect its own pandal a threat to bum the pandal was held out by its opponents. Thus in course of time the party in favour of political reform won and the Social Conference vanished and was forgotten. The speech, delivered by Mr. W. C. Bonnerji in 1892 at Allahabad as President of the eighth session of the Congress, sounds like a funeral oration at the death of the Social Conference and is so typical of the Congress attitude that I venture to quote from it the following extract. Mr. Bonnerji said:
"I for one have no patience with those who saw we shall not be fit for political reform until we refoml our social system. I fail to see any connection between the two...Are we not fit (for political reform) because our widows remain unmarried and our girls are given in marriage earlier than in other countries? because our wives and daughters do not drive about with us visiting our friends? because we do not send our daughters to Oxford and Cambridge
I have stated the case for political reform as put by Mr. Bonnelji. There were many who are happy that the victory went to the Congress. But those who believe in the impoliance of social reform may ask, is the argument such as that of Mr. Bonnerji final? Does it prove that the victory went to those who were in the right? Does it prove conclusively that social reform has no bearing on political reform? It will help us to understand the matter if I state the other side of the case. I will draw upon the treatment of the untouchables for my facts.
Under the rule of the Peshwas in the Maratha country the untouchable was not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu was coming along lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow. The untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or in his neck as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus from getting themselves polluted by his touch through mistake. In Poona, the capital of the Peshwa, the untouchable was required to carry, strung from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind the dust he treated on lest a Hindu walking on the same should be polluted. In Poona, the untouchable was required to carry an earthen pot, hung in his neck wherever he went, for holding his spit lost his spit falling on earth should pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on it. Let me take more recent facts. The tyranny practised by the Hindus upon the Bala is, an untouchable community in Central India, will serve my purpose. You will find a report of this in the Times of India of 4th January 1928. "The correspondent of the Times ofIndia reported that high caste Hindus, viz. Kalotas, Rajputs and Brahmins including the Patels and Patwaris of villages ofKanaria, Bicholi-Hafsi, Bicholi-Mardana and ofabout 15 other villages in the Indore djistrict (of the Indore State) informed the Balais of their respective villages that if they wished to live among them they must conform to the following rules:
Balais must not wear gold-lace-bordered pugrecs.
They must not wear dhotis with coloured or fancy borders.
They must convey intimation of the death of any Hindu to relatives of the deceased-no matter how far away these relatives may be living.
In all Hindu marriages, Balais must play music before the processions and during the marriage.
Balai women must not wear gold or silver ornaments; they must not wear fancy gowns or jackets.
Balais women must attend all cases of confinement of Hindu women.
Balais must render services without demanding remuneration and must accept whatever a Hindu is pleased to give.
If the Balais do not agree to abide by these terms they must clear out of the villages. The Balais refused to comply; and the Hindu element proceeded against them. Balais were not allowed to get water from the village wells; they were not allowed to let go their cattle to graze. Balais were prohibited from passing through land owned by a Hindu, so that if the field of a Balai was surrounded by fields owned by Hindus, the Balai could have no access to his own field. The Hindus also let their cattle graze down the fields ofBalais. The Balais submitted petitions to the Darbar against these persecutions; but as they could get no timely relief, and the oppression continued, hundreds of Balais with their wives and children were obliged to abandon their homes in which their ancestors lived for generations and to migrate to adjoining States, viz. to villages in Dhar, Dewas, Bagli, Bhopal, Gwalior and other States. What happened to them in their new homes may for the present be left out of our consideration. The incident at Kavitha in Gujarat happened only last year. The Hindus of Kavitha ordered the untouchables not to insist upon sending their children to the common village school maintained by Government. What sufferings the untouchables of Kavitha had to undergo for daring to exercise a civic right against the wishes of the Hindus is too well known to need detailed description. Another instance occurred in the village of Zanu in the Ahmedabad district of Gujarat. In November 1935 some untouchable women of well-to-do families started fetching water in metal pots. The Hindus looked upon the use of metal pots by untouchables as an affront to their dignity and assaulted the untouchable women for their impudence. A most recent event is reported from the village Chakwara in Jaipur State. It seems from the reports that have appeared in the newspapers that an untouchable of Chakwara who had returned from a pilgrimage had arranged to give a dinner to his fellow untouchables of the village as an act of religious piety. The host desired to treat the guests to a sumptuous meal and the items served included ghee (butter) also. But while the assembly ofuntouchables was engaged in partaking of the food, the Hindus in their hundred, armed with lathis, rushed to the scene, despoiled the food and belaboured the untouchables who left the food they were served with and ran away for their lives. And why 12 was this murderous assault committed on defenceless untouchables? The reason given is that the untouchable host was impudent enough to serve ghee and his untouchable guests were foolish enough to taste it. Ghee is undoubtedly a luxury for the rich. But no one would think that consumption of ghee was a mark of high social status. The Hindus of Chakwara thought otherwise and in righteous indignation avenged themselves for the wrong done to them by the untouchables, who insulted them by treating ghee as an item of their food which they ought to have known could not be theirs, consistently with the dignity of the Hindus. This means that an untouchable must not use ghee even if he can afford to buy it, since it is an act of arrogance towards the Hindus. This happened on or about the 1st of April 1936! (Source: B. R. Ambedkar, Annihilation ofCaste). Answer questions 33 to 40 based on the above passage.
33. According to the passage, what was seen as the bone of contention between the Congress and the Conference?
Economic reform precedes social reform
Social reform precedes political reform
Political reform precedes social reform
Political reform precedes cultural reform
34. What is Mr. W C Bonnerji's position?
Political reform
Economic refonn
Social reform
Religious reform
35. Under the Peshwa rule, the untouchables were expected to do the following in public places:
Carry a pot hung in his neck
Shoulder a broom hung from above
Carry a pot tied around waist
Have a black thread tied to the forehead
36. The Balai is expected to perform the following duty:
Play music in the marriage
Wear fancy dhotis in the marriage
Render services after negotiated wage
Wear gold or silver ornaments
37. The demand of the untouchables in Gujarat was for the following issue:
Grazing land
Common school
Primary hospital
Cultivable land
38. The untouchable women were assaulted in Zanu due to
Grazing sheep in the upper caste lands
Sending children to the school
Fetching water in the earthen pots
Fetching water in the metal pots
39. The atrocity against untouchables in Jaipur State happened due to the tasting following item in a feast:
Mutton
Beef
Ghee
Basmati rice
40. The above atrocities against Untouchables are cited by the author to prove the need for
Social reform
Political reform
Economic reform
Religious reform
41. Realists place primary emphasis on
State
International community
Global community of states
Individual
42. Feminists argue that International Relations is based on
Social injustice
Class conflict
Dependency
Patriarchy
43. One the following is not considered a 'Realist'
Thomas Hobbes
Kautilya
Rousseau
Machiavelli
44. The terms and 'periphery' are associated with
Feminism
Constructivism
Neoliberal Institutionalism
Dependency Theory
45. Which of the following concepts are key to Realism
Power and Security
Culture and Identity
Human security and development
Poverty alleviation and growth lS
46. Zero-sum-game in International Relations refers to
Both states at a stalemate
Both states losing
Gain by one state is equivalent to the loss by another
Gain by one state is equivalent to the gain by another
47. Collective Security is associated with
United Nations
African Union
SAARC
ASEAN
48. 'String of Pearls' is associated with
United States
Korea
China
Japan
49. 'Treaty of Versailles' is connected to
First World War
Second World War
Cold War
Arab-Israeli War
50. 'Bandung Conference' was precursor to the establishment of
Non-aligned Movement
ASEAN
African Union
United Nations
51. 'Detente' implies
Heightening of tension between rival blocs
Neutrality in War
Commitment to power politics
Relaxation of tension between rival blocs
52. 'Rohingya refugee crisis' involves
Nepal
Bangladesh
China
Myanmar
53-60
Comprehension
Whereas the realist approach focuses on the nation-state, liberal thinking has tended to see the individual as the basic unit of analysis. The primary motivating force in the economy is the competitive interaction between individuals, who are assumed to maximise their satisfaction, or utility, especially through the social institution of the market. The market aggregates these individual preferences and utilities (on the demand side), and (on the supply side) the action of profit-seeking firms. Some modern liberal thinkers, notably von Hayek, have argued that the market is, in fact, a spontaneous social institution, rather than an institution which is a product of human design.
Where realism has focused on competition between states, economic liberalism has focused on competition between firms. Economic outcomes will be affected by market structure. To explain the nature of market structure, liberal economists use ideal-typical cases. At one extreme, so called 'perfect' competition, with its infinite number of buyers and sellers, full information and perfect foresight, implies that individual buyers and sellers are 'price-takers' and the consumer is 'sovereign'. In this context, the 'power of the market' to constrain all producers is absolute. At the other extreme is monopoly (one supplier) and/or monopsony (one buyer). If both apply, there is a situation of bilateral monopoly, in which the power of one countervails that of the other. If there are many buyers, but only one supplier, then the monopolist has market power over the consumers. If there are many suppliers, but only one buyer, then the monopsonist has market power over the sellers. Of course, almost all markets and industries lie between these two extremes. In the case 17 of oligopoly (when there are relatively few firms), firms will have some degree of market power, which will be increased if they are able to collude and this impose their collective power over the market. An extreme case of collusion is when firms form a cartel which sets prices and production quotas for the member firms.
Each of these market structures are also examples of different degrees of interdependence or dependence. In the extreme case of perfect competition, there is complete and symmetrical interdependence between buyers and sellers. In the case of oligopoly there is some interdependence between producers. This may be symmetrical or asymmetrical, depending on whether there is a dominant firm, or 'price leader' in a market, such as De Beers in the diamond trade, and IBM in mainframe computers for much of the post-war period. In general, the greater degree of market concentration on the supply side, the more asymmetrical the interdependence between producers and consumers, to the disadvantage of the latter. (Source: Stephen Gill and David Law, The Global Political Economy: Perspectives, Problems and Policies, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988).
Answer questions 53 to 60 based on the above passage.
53. One of the key differences between Realists and Liberals is
Liberals believe in the goodness of human nature
Realists argue that the world is anarchic
Liberals focus on the individual and not the state
Realists believe the world of nation-states is inherently conflictual
54. Liberals believe that individuals interests will be aggregated best by the
State
Individuals themselves
Communities
Market
55. Von Hayek, according to the authors, argues that
Humans have created the market
The market emerged on its own
Firms created market
The state created the market
56. The consumer is 'sovereign' when
There are many buyers and sellers
There are many buyers but only one seller
There are many sellers but only one buyer
None of the above
57. The monopolist has control over the consumers in the market when
There are many suppliers and one buyer
There are many suppliers and no buyers
There is only one supplier and many buyers
There are an infinite number of buyers and sellers
58. When firms control prices, the result is
Cartel
Oligopoly
Perfect competition
Monopoly
59. Consumers are disadvantaged when there is
Greater degree of concentration on the supply side
Asymmetry of interdependence between producers and consumers
Monopoly
All of the above
60. Which of the following sentences best captures the main theme of this passage?
Realists give importance to the nation-state whereas liberals focus on individuals who are seen as profit-oriented
Liberals believe that individuals (including firms) are competItIve and maximize their utility through the market and the varied market structures affect economic outcomes
Different market structures can lead to different degrees of interdependence or dependence and these have a varying impact on how the market works
Liberals focus on the origins of markets which they say are created on their own and are not man-made institutions
61. Who among the following vote in the election of the Vice-President?
Members of the Legislative Assemblies
Members of the Legislative Councils
Elected members of the Parliament
Elected and Nominated Members of the Parliament
62. Who among the following described democracy as the "tyranny of the majority"?
J Rousseau
De Tocqueville
John Dunning
Abraham Lincoln
63. Which Lok Sabha enjoyed a term of more than five years?
Fourth Lok Sabha
Fifth Lok Sabha
Sixth Lok Sabha
Eight Lok Sabha
64. Political Culture does not include
Evaluative assessments about the political system
Negative and Positive feelings towards a political system
Decision making in local committees in a political union
Knowledge and skills about the operation of a political system
65. From which of the following did India borrow the doctrine ofJudicial Review?
Great Britain
USA
France
Switzerland
66. Fabianism originated in
Zussia
India
Germany
England
67. The 'metropolitan-satellite' characterisation of states is associated with
Political socialisation
Dependency theory
Institutionalism
State-society approach
68. Modernization theory reflects which of the following perspectives
Functional perspectives
Conflict perspectives
Interactional perspective
Dependency theory
69. Samuel Huntington is the author of
The End of History
The Clash of Civilisations
The End of Ideology
Governing the Commons
70. Which of the following countries supports Seymour Lipset's proposition that "The more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy."
China
Philippines
France
Vietnam
71. Which of the following best describes representative democracy?
It is only found in states with low levels of economic development.
It is only found in rich and industrialized states.
It involves indirect participation through elected representatives.
It is the most widespread form of democracy in Latin America
72. Which of the following provides the foundation for individual rights in Anglo-American jurisprudence?
The French Revolution
The Russian Revolution
The Magna Carta
The Declaration of Independence
73-80
Comprehension
Among the several fields or sub-disciplines into which the discipline of political science is usually divided, comparative politics is the only one that carries a methodological instead of a substantive label. The term "comparative politics" indicates the how but does not specify the what of the analysis. The label is somewhat misleading because both explicit methodological concern and implicit methodological awareness among students of comparative politics have generally not been very high. Indeed, too many students of the field have been what Giovanni Sartori calls "unconscious thinkers" unaware of and not guided by the logic and methods of empirical science, although perhaps well versed in quantitative research techniques. One reason for this unconscious thinking is undoubtedly that the comparative method is such a basic, and basically simple, approach, that a methodology of comparative political analysis does not really exist. As Sartori points out, the other extreme that of the "overconscious thinkers," whose "standards of method and theory are drawn from the physical paradigmatic sciences" is equally unsound. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to "conscious thinking" in comparative politics by focusing on comparison as a method of political inquiry.
In the literature of comparative politics, a wide variety of meanings is attached to the terms "comparison" and "comparative method." The comparative method is defined here as one of the basic methods the others being the experimental, statistical, and case study methods of establishing general empirical propositions. The comparative method is here regarded as a method of discovering empirical relationships among variables, not as a method of measurement. A clear distinction should be made between method and technique. The comparative method is a broad-gauge, general method, not a narrow, specialized technique. The statistical method can be applied to many cases, the comparative method to relativcly few (but at least two) cases, and the case study method to one case.
The principal problems facing the comparative method can be succinctly stated as: many variables, small number of cases. These two problems are closely interrelated. The former is common to virtually all social science research regardless of the particular method applied to it; the latter is peculiar to the comparative method and renders the problem of handling many variables more difficult to solve. Comparative analysis must avoid the danger of being overwhelmed by large numbers of variables and, as a result, losing the possibility of discovering controlled relationships, and it must therefore judiciously restrict itself to the really key variables, omitting those of only marginal importance.
Before turning to a discussion of specific suggestions for minimizing these problems, two general comments are in order. First, if at all possible one should generally use the statistical (or perhaps even the experimental) method instead of the weaker comparative method. But often, given the inevitable scarcity of time, energy, and financial resources, the intensive comparative analysis of a few cases may be more promising than a more superficial statistical analysis of many cases. In such a situation, the most fruitful approach would be to regard the comparative analysis as the first stage of research, in which hypotheses are carefully formulated, and the statistical analysis as the second stage, in which these hypotheses are tested in as large a sample as possible.
(Source: Adapted from Arend Lijphart. 1971. "Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method". American Political Science Review. 65 682-693).
Answer questions 73 to 80 based on the above passage.
73. What is the distinguishing feature of the sub-discipline of comparative politics'?
Methodological dimension
Focus on international studies
Substantive dimension
Focus on area studies
74. Giovanni Sartori is associated with the study of
Federalism
Political Theory
Political Parties and Party Systems
Public Policy
75. Comparative method is a
Technique
Method and technique
Method
Mixed method
76. Which type of research is suitable when the investigator has access to modest resources?
Statistical
Experimental
Case-study
Comparative
77. Hypothesis testing is possible in
Comparative research
Ethnographic research
Statistical research
Case-study research
78. Which of the problems is specific. to comparative politics
Problem of many variables
Problem of many cases
Problem of few cases
Problem of few variables
79. Comparative method can be defined as the analysis of
A small number of cases
A single case
A large number of cases
Multiple variables
80. To discover relationships between key variables comparative analysis must
Increase the number of variables
Focus on limited number of variables
Maximise the number of cases
Focus on a single case
81. Who among the following is closely associated with Human Relations Theory?
Douglas M. McGregor
Elton Mayo
E.N.Gladden
L. Urwick
82. The concept of the 'zone of indifference' is associated with
Decision-Making
Leadership
Authority
Motivation
83. The founding father of theory ofBureaucracy was
Herman Finer
Joseph LaPalombara
Max Weber
Albert Lepawsky
84. Who has analysed leadership in terms of 'circular response'?
Chester I. Bamard
M. P. Follett
Millet
Taylor
85. Simon proposed a new concept of administration based on the methodology of
Decision-making
Policy making
Logical positivism
Satisfying
86. Who wrote the book 'Towards a New Public Administration: The Minnowbrook Perspective'?
Frank Marini
Dwight Waldo
C.J. Charlesworth
J. M. Pfiffner
87. Who rejected the principles of administration as and 'proverbs'?
W. F. Willoughby
Herbert Simon
Chester Barnard
I.D White
88. The classical theory of administration is also known as the
Historical theory
Mechanistic theory
Locational theory
Human Relations theory
89. The theory of 'Prismatic Society' in Public Administration is based on
Study of public services in developed and developing countries
Institutional comparison of public administration in developed countries
Structural-functional analysis of public administration in developing countries
Historical studies of public administration in different societies
90. Which of the following is not included in 'hygiene' factors in the Herzberg's two-factor theory of motivation?
Salary
Working conditions
Company's policy
Responsibility
91. F. W. Taylor, the founding father of Scientific Management movement propounded the theory which was conceived to be a scientific methodology of
Careful observation
Measurement
Generalization
All of these
92. Which one of the following system is adopted for classification of higher civil services in India?
Rank Classification
Position Classification
Unified Grading Structure
All the Above
93-100
Comprehension
In spite of several efforts for promoting rural development through a number of programmes and planning monetary and fiscal policies, the conditions of the rural poor have remained by and large static and the number of rural poor is alarmingly large. What is more, with the steady rise in rural population and prevalent social customs, ignorance, illiteracy, the number is multiplying at the faster rate. In addition, crime and social disorder has been spreading at a faster rate afflicting the social fabric of rural India. The worst affected are the rural poor. This requires that rural development programmes are to be revamped, restructured, planned at the micro-level and implemented, with professional efficiency. The need of the hour is a sound organization and efficient management.
Finally, the success of the various agencies depends upon the persons who are responsible for implementing them. They must have sufficient experience and possess a high level of competence. Team spirit and collective work are essential. There must be channels of free communication in all directions. Decentralization policy must be adopted. Rules and procedures must be made flexible for getting better results from the implementation of the programmes. A programme should have an inbuilt organization, planned approach and professional implementation.
In spite of over five decades of planning and the all-round economic development, the incidence of rural poverty continues unabated. The number of rural people living below poverty line is estimated to be over 31 crores. Over the years, the number of rural people living below the poverty line has increased marginally since the beginning of the planned era. The main source of livelihood in rural India is land. Rural poverty is associated with the ownership patterns of land. Data on ownership of land resources reveal that 12.3 percent of the rural population owned no land, 58.6 per cent owned less than one hectare and 28.0 per cent owned land between I to 2 hectares. What is more, 58.6 per cent of marginal farmers owned only 11.2 per cent (19.50 million hectares) of operated area (165.34 million hectares). The average size of an operational land holding was less than 0.35 hectares. Twenty percent small farmers owned about] 3.8 per cent of operated land with average operated holding of 1.43 hectares. The moot point is whether these agricultural holdings can sustain the bulk of the rural population and if not, what is the alternative possible.
(Source: Vasant Desai, Rural Development in India, Himalaya, 2015).
Answer questions 93 to 100 based on the above passage.
93. To overcome the problem of rural poverty, the need of the hour is
Organizing more anti-poverty programme
A sound organization and efficient management
Rural agitations and movements
Migration to urban areas
94. In the context of increasing crime and social disorder the worst effected section is
Bureaucracy
Political leaders
Rural poor
Media persons
95. The number of rural people living below poverty line is estimated to be
28 crores
12.3 crores
31 crores
40 crores
96. Rural Poverty is basically associated with
Ownership pattern of land
Employment opportunities
Levels of education
Bureaucratic domination
97. The landless population in rural areas is estimated to be
28 percent
40 percent
27.5 percent
12.3 percent
98. The average size of an operational land holding in India is estimated to be
More than 2 hectares
Less than 0.35 hectares
More than 5 hectares
More than 2.5 hectares
99. The percentage of operated land owned by small farmer is
20.5
40.0
25.8
13.8
100. For successful rural development we need
Centralized policy
Decentralized policy
Downward policy
Politicized policy
Scheduled Castes
Scheduled Tribes
Backward Classes
Minorities
2. As per the Indian Constitution, which of the following conditions is not a valid ground for imposing Emergency in India:
External aggression or armed rebellion in a State
Government of a State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution
Financial stability of India or of any part of the territory is threatened
A political party other than the ruling party at the Centre comes to power at the State level
3. Match List I with List II and select the correct answer from the code given below.
Policy decision Political leader
Demonetisation PV Narasimha Rao
Economic reform policies VP Singh
Reservation for the OBCs Sonia Gandhi
Right to Information Act Narendra Modi
Codes a b c d
iv i iii ii
iv II iii
iv II 1II
iv II IV
4. Match List I with List II and select the correct answer from the code given below.
Aspect of Indian polity Constitutional provision
Fundamental Right Right against Exploitation
Fundamental Duty Right to Livelihood
Directive Principle Respect for National Anthem
Constitutional Right Right to Property
Codes a b c d
i iii ii iv
iv ii iii i
iv i ii iii
ii iii iv i
5. NITI Aayog was set up to replace
Inter-State Council
Empowered Group of Ministers (EGoMs)
National Advisory Council
Planning Commission
6. "The proper course for testing the strength of the Ministry is holding the test on the floor of the House" With which of the following judgements would you associate the above statement.
The State of Rajasthan vs. Union of India (1977)
S R Bommai vs. Union of India (1994)
Keshvananda Bharati vs. State of Kerala (1973)
Golaknath vs. State of Punjab (1967)
7. For a political party to be designated as a national party, in how many states does it have to be treated as a recognised party according to the Election Commission?
Four States
Two States
Five States
Six States
8. With which of the following articles would you associate Uniform Civil Code?
Article 21
Article 44
Article 51
Article 40
9. Read the following statements and identify whether they are correct or incorrect.
Statement PIL enabled the Judiciary in India to put in place a new regime of rights of citizens and obligations of the State as well as new methods for its accountabiIity.
Statement Over the years the social dimension of PIL has been diluted, and more emphasis has been placed on correcting the actions/omissions of various public bodies.
Select the correct answer from the following options:
A is true, B is false
A is false, B is true
AandBaretrue
A and B are false
10. Who presides over the joint session of both the Houses of India's Parliament?
President
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
Chairman of the Rajya Sabha
Speaker of the Lok Sabha
11. Which of following is NOT true about states reorganization in India?
The Parliament has the unilateral power to make or break states in India
The Parliament has to mandatorily consult the state and the opinion of the latter is binding on the Parliament
States have been created on the basis of language, administrative efficiency and developmental concerns
Telangana is the latest state created in 2014.
12. Which of the following is TRUE about 'money bill' in the Parliament?
It can be introduced in both houses of the Parliament
It must be introduced first in the Rajya Sabha
It must be introduced first in the Lok Sabha
The Rajya Sabha has the power to withhold money bill for unlimited period
13-20
Comprehension
Constitutionalism is commonly conceived to be the idea that there are legal constraints on the exercise of political authority. It places limits on state action, and conformity with the constitution becomes a guiding principle. But constitutions cannot be expected to remain static or place permanent restrictions on the future, and typically provide a means through which they can change. To prevent constitutionalism from becoming a hollow ideal, formal constitutional change is typically designed to be difficult. Sometimes a constitution sets a special threshold for changing the constitution; one that is higher than the ordinary entrenchment lever for standard laws. Although the Indian Constitution's requirement is nowhere as high as the Article V standard in the American Constitution, it nonetheless imposes a higher requirement for amending the Constitution as compared with enacting ordinary laws. This amending power is set forth in Article 368 and requires a supermajority: a two-thirds majority in Parliament and, in certain cases, the consent of half the states. Article 368 outlines the general amending power, and in some exceptional cases Parliament may change the Constitution through a simple majority.
(Source: Madhav Khosla, Oxford India Short Introductions to the Indian Constitution (New Delhi: OUP, 2014, Fifth Impression, pp.149-50).
Answer questions 13 to 20 based on the above passage.
13. Why does a constitution lay down difficult amendment procedures?
To ease legal constraints on the exercise of power
To make the constitution static and fixed
To make the threshold for constitutional change higher than ordinary and standard laws
To prevent constitutionalism from becoming a hollow ideal
14. Consider the following.
Constitutionalism implies imposing legal constraints on exercise of political authority
Constitutionalism limits state action
Constitutions are static
Changing a constitution is easier than enacting ordinary laws
From the above which of the following is true?
Only is true
and are true
Both and are false
and are false
15. Which of the following is true about India's Constitution?
Amending India's Constitution is not as difficult under Article V of American Constitution
It incorporates both difficult and easy amendment procedures
It only incorporates a very difficult amendment procedure
Only A and B are true
16. In amending the Indian Constitution a 'super-majority' means
Securing a two-third majority in the Parliament
Securing consent of half of the Indian states
Securing support not only of two-third majority in the Parliament but also securing consent of half of the Indian states
It refers to means of enacting ordinary laws
17. What is the guiding principle of constitutionalism?
Legal constraints on the exercise of political authority
Limits on state action
Ensuring that a constitution remains static and places permanent restrictions
To ensure conformity with the constitution
18. Which of the following best encapsulates Article 368 of India's Constitution?
It lays down constitutional amendment procedure
It lays down a super-majority requirement to amend certain provisions of the constitution
It lays down a simple-majority requirement to amend the Constitution in certain exceptional cases
All of the above are encapsulated in Article 368 of India's Constitution
19. What does 'special threshold' in the passage imply?
Changing the constitution
Laying down a higher requirement to bring change/amendment than enacting ordinary legislation
Enacting ordinary legislation
Preventing constitutionalism from becoming hollow
20. Which is true about 'simple majority' in the passage? about constitutional
It requires a two-third majority in the Parliament to change the constitution
It requires consent of half ofthe states to change the constitution
It is another name for super-majority
It requires a bare majority, that is, support of half of the members of the Parliament to change the constitution
21. Who says, "Family is the cradle of citizenship"?
Mazzini
Garibaldi
Cavour
Metternich
22. Who is the author of The Subjection ofWomen?
Jeremy Bentham
James Mill
JSMill
Mary Wollstonecraft
23. Which political ideology claims, 'greatest happiness of greatest number is the measure of right and wrong'?
Socialism
Utilitarianism
Communitarianism
Fascism
24. Who says that laws are commands of the sovereign backed by force?
John Austin
Harold Laski
John Locke
R. Ambedkar
25. The doctrine of separation of powers is attributed to
Machiavelli
Morgenthau
Montesquieu
Jean Bodin
26. The viewpoint that 'the state is an association of associations' is known as
Socialism
Anarchism
Monism
Pluralism
27. The view that 'property as theft' was held by
GWFHegel
Proudhon
Thomas Hobbes
John Locke 8
28. With the help from the following code, find out the proper sequence in which Locke's social contract is established:
Civil Society
State of Nature
Government
Social Contract
ii, iv, iii
iii, iv, ii
Ill, 11, IV
iv, ii, iii
29. Which of the following is not said by Marx?
Withering away of the state
The dictatorship of the proletariat
The fetishism of commodities
The state is a necessary evil
30. Who is of the view that the sovereign cannot tax subjects without their consent?
Jean Bodin
Thomas Hobbes
J J Rousseau
Karl Marx
31. Who is famous for the critique of totalitarianism?
Rosa Luxemburg
I-Janna Arendt
Joseph Stalin
Adolf Hitler
32. At what age Plato's Philosopher King completes education to be able to govern the state?
20 years
35 years
50 years
55 years
33-40
Comprehension
The path of social reform like the path to heaven at any rate in India, is strewn with many difficulties. Social reform in India has few friends and many critics. The critics fall into two distinct classes. One class consists of political reformers and the other of the socialists.
It was at one time recognized that without social efficiency no permanent progress in the other fields of activity was possible, that owing to mischief wrought by the evil customs, Hindu Society was not in a state of efficiency and that ceaseless efforts must be made to eradicate these evils. It was due to the recognition of this fact that the birth of the National Congress was accompanied by the foundation of the Social Conference. While the Congress was concerned with defining the weak points in the political organisation of the country, the Social Conference was engaged in removing the weak points in the social organisation ofthe Hindu Society. For some time the Congress and the Conference worked as two wings ofone common activity and they held their annual sessions in the same pandal. But soon the two wings developed into two parties, a Political Reform Party and a Social Reform Party, between whom there raged a fierce controversy. The Political Reform Party supported the National Congress and Social Reform Party supported the Social Conference. The two bodies thus became two hostile camps. The point at issue was whether social reform should precede political reform. For a decade the forces were evenly balanced and the battle was fought without victory to either side. It was however evident that the fortunes of the; Social Conference were ebbing fast. The gentlemen who presided over the sessions of the Social Conference lamented that the majority of the educated Hindus were for political advancement and indifferent to social reform and that while the number of those who attended the Congress was very large and the number who did not attend but who sympathized with it even larger, the number of those who attended the Social Conference was very much smaller. This indifference, this thinning of its ranks was soon followed by active hostility from the politicians. Under the leadership of the late Mr. Tilak, the courtesy with which the Congress allowed the Social Conference the use of its pandal was withdrawn and the spirit of enmity went to such a pitch that when the Social Conference desired to erect its own pandal a threat to bum the pandal was held out by its opponents. Thus in course of time the party in favour of political reform won and the Social Conference vanished and was forgotten. The speech, delivered by Mr. W. C. Bonnerji in 1892 at Allahabad as President of the eighth session of the Congress, sounds like a funeral oration at the death of the Social Conference and is so typical of the Congress attitude that I venture to quote from it the following extract. Mr. Bonnerji said:
"I for one have no patience with those who saw we shall not be fit for political reform until we refoml our social system. I fail to see any connection between the two...Are we not fit (for political reform) because our widows remain unmarried and our girls are given in marriage earlier than in other countries? because our wives and daughters do not drive about with us visiting our friends? because we do not send our daughters to Oxford and Cambridge
I have stated the case for political reform as put by Mr. Bonnelji. There were many who are happy that the victory went to the Congress. But those who believe in the impoliance of social reform may ask, is the argument such as that of Mr. Bonnerji final? Does it prove that the victory went to those who were in the right? Does it prove conclusively that social reform has no bearing on political reform? It will help us to understand the matter if I state the other side of the case. I will draw upon the treatment of the untouchables for my facts.
Under the rule of the Peshwas in the Maratha country the untouchable was not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu was coming along lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow. The untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or in his neck as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus from getting themselves polluted by his touch through mistake. In Poona, the capital of the Peshwa, the untouchable was required to carry, strung from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind the dust he treated on lest a Hindu walking on the same should be polluted. In Poona, the untouchable was required to carry an earthen pot, hung in his neck wherever he went, for holding his spit lost his spit falling on earth should pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on it. Let me take more recent facts. The tyranny practised by the Hindus upon the Bala is, an untouchable community in Central India, will serve my purpose. You will find a report of this in the Times of India of 4th January 1928. "The correspondent of the Times ofIndia reported that high caste Hindus, viz. Kalotas, Rajputs and Brahmins including the Patels and Patwaris of villages ofKanaria, Bicholi-Hafsi, Bicholi-Mardana and ofabout 15 other villages in the Indore djistrict (of the Indore State) informed the Balais of their respective villages that if they wished to live among them they must conform to the following rules:
Balais must not wear gold-lace-bordered pugrecs.
They must not wear dhotis with coloured or fancy borders.
They must convey intimation of the death of any Hindu to relatives of the deceased-no matter how far away these relatives may be living.
In all Hindu marriages, Balais must play music before the processions and during the marriage.
Balai women must not wear gold or silver ornaments; they must not wear fancy gowns or jackets.
Balais women must attend all cases of confinement of Hindu women.
Balais must render services without demanding remuneration and must accept whatever a Hindu is pleased to give.
If the Balais do not agree to abide by these terms they must clear out of the villages. The Balais refused to comply; and the Hindu element proceeded against them. Balais were not allowed to get water from the village wells; they were not allowed to let go their cattle to graze. Balais were prohibited from passing through land owned by a Hindu, so that if the field of a Balai was surrounded by fields owned by Hindus, the Balai could have no access to his own field. The Hindus also let their cattle graze down the fields ofBalais. The Balais submitted petitions to the Darbar against these persecutions; but as they could get no timely relief, and the oppression continued, hundreds of Balais with their wives and children were obliged to abandon their homes in which their ancestors lived for generations and to migrate to adjoining States, viz. to villages in Dhar, Dewas, Bagli, Bhopal, Gwalior and other States. What happened to them in their new homes may for the present be left out of our consideration. The incident at Kavitha in Gujarat happened only last year. The Hindus of Kavitha ordered the untouchables not to insist upon sending their children to the common village school maintained by Government. What sufferings the untouchables of Kavitha had to undergo for daring to exercise a civic right against the wishes of the Hindus is too well known to need detailed description. Another instance occurred in the village of Zanu in the Ahmedabad district of Gujarat. In November 1935 some untouchable women of well-to-do families started fetching water in metal pots. The Hindus looked upon the use of metal pots by untouchables as an affront to their dignity and assaulted the untouchable women for their impudence. A most recent event is reported from the village Chakwara in Jaipur State. It seems from the reports that have appeared in the newspapers that an untouchable of Chakwara who had returned from a pilgrimage had arranged to give a dinner to his fellow untouchables of the village as an act of religious piety. The host desired to treat the guests to a sumptuous meal and the items served included ghee (butter) also. But while the assembly ofuntouchables was engaged in partaking of the food, the Hindus in their hundred, armed with lathis, rushed to the scene, despoiled the food and belaboured the untouchables who left the food they were served with and ran away for their lives. And why 12 was this murderous assault committed on defenceless untouchables? The reason given is that the untouchable host was impudent enough to serve ghee and his untouchable guests were foolish enough to taste it. Ghee is undoubtedly a luxury for the rich. But no one would think that consumption of ghee was a mark of high social status. The Hindus of Chakwara thought otherwise and in righteous indignation avenged themselves for the wrong done to them by the untouchables, who insulted them by treating ghee as an item of their food which they ought to have known could not be theirs, consistently with the dignity of the Hindus. This means that an untouchable must not use ghee even if he can afford to buy it, since it is an act of arrogance towards the Hindus. This happened on or about the 1st of April 1936! (Source: B. R. Ambedkar, Annihilation ofCaste). Answer questions 33 to 40 based on the above passage.
33. According to the passage, what was seen as the bone of contention between the Congress and the Conference?
Economic reform precedes social reform
Social reform precedes political reform
Political reform precedes social reform
Political reform precedes cultural reform
34. What is Mr. W C Bonnerji's position?
Political reform
Economic refonn
Social reform
Religious reform
35. Under the Peshwa rule, the untouchables were expected to do the following in public places:
Carry a pot hung in his neck
Shoulder a broom hung from above
Carry a pot tied around waist
Have a black thread tied to the forehead
36. The Balai is expected to perform the following duty:
Play music in the marriage
Wear fancy dhotis in the marriage
Render services after negotiated wage
Wear gold or silver ornaments
37. The demand of the untouchables in Gujarat was for the following issue:
Grazing land
Common school
Primary hospital
Cultivable land
38. The untouchable women were assaulted in Zanu due to
Grazing sheep in the upper caste lands
Sending children to the school
Fetching water in the earthen pots
Fetching water in the metal pots
39. The atrocity against untouchables in Jaipur State happened due to the tasting following item in a feast:
Mutton
Beef
Ghee
Basmati rice
40. The above atrocities against Untouchables are cited by the author to prove the need for
Social reform
Political reform
Economic reform
Religious reform
41. Realists place primary emphasis on
State
International community
Global community of states
Individual
42. Feminists argue that International Relations is based on
Social injustice
Class conflict
Dependency
Patriarchy
43. One the following is not considered a 'Realist'
Thomas Hobbes
Kautilya
Rousseau
Machiavelli
44. The terms and 'periphery' are associated with
Feminism
Constructivism
Neoliberal Institutionalism
Dependency Theory
45. Which of the following concepts are key to Realism
Power and Security
Culture and Identity
Human security and development
Poverty alleviation and growth lS
46. Zero-sum-game in International Relations refers to
Both states at a stalemate
Both states losing
Gain by one state is equivalent to the loss by another
Gain by one state is equivalent to the gain by another
47. Collective Security is associated with
United Nations
African Union
SAARC
ASEAN
48. 'String of Pearls' is associated with
United States
Korea
China
Japan
49. 'Treaty of Versailles' is connected to
First World War
Second World War
Cold War
Arab-Israeli War
50. 'Bandung Conference' was precursor to the establishment of
Non-aligned Movement
ASEAN
African Union
United Nations
51. 'Detente' implies
Heightening of tension between rival blocs
Neutrality in War
Commitment to power politics
Relaxation of tension between rival blocs
52. 'Rohingya refugee crisis' involves
Nepal
Bangladesh
China
Myanmar
53-60
Comprehension
Whereas the realist approach focuses on the nation-state, liberal thinking has tended to see the individual as the basic unit of analysis. The primary motivating force in the economy is the competitive interaction between individuals, who are assumed to maximise their satisfaction, or utility, especially through the social institution of the market. The market aggregates these individual preferences and utilities (on the demand side), and (on the supply side) the action of profit-seeking firms. Some modern liberal thinkers, notably von Hayek, have argued that the market is, in fact, a spontaneous social institution, rather than an institution which is a product of human design.
Where realism has focused on competition between states, economic liberalism has focused on competition between firms. Economic outcomes will be affected by market structure. To explain the nature of market structure, liberal economists use ideal-typical cases. At one extreme, so called 'perfect' competition, with its infinite number of buyers and sellers, full information and perfect foresight, implies that individual buyers and sellers are 'price-takers' and the consumer is 'sovereign'. In this context, the 'power of the market' to constrain all producers is absolute. At the other extreme is monopoly (one supplier) and/or monopsony (one buyer). If both apply, there is a situation of bilateral monopoly, in which the power of one countervails that of the other. If there are many buyers, but only one supplier, then the monopolist has market power over the consumers. If there are many suppliers, but only one buyer, then the monopsonist has market power over the sellers. Of course, almost all markets and industries lie between these two extremes. In the case 17 of oligopoly (when there are relatively few firms), firms will have some degree of market power, which will be increased if they are able to collude and this impose their collective power over the market. An extreme case of collusion is when firms form a cartel which sets prices and production quotas for the member firms.
Each of these market structures are also examples of different degrees of interdependence or dependence. In the extreme case of perfect competition, there is complete and symmetrical interdependence between buyers and sellers. In the case of oligopoly there is some interdependence between producers. This may be symmetrical or asymmetrical, depending on whether there is a dominant firm, or 'price leader' in a market, such as De Beers in the diamond trade, and IBM in mainframe computers for much of the post-war period. In general, the greater degree of market concentration on the supply side, the more asymmetrical the interdependence between producers and consumers, to the disadvantage of the latter. (Source: Stephen Gill and David Law, The Global Political Economy: Perspectives, Problems and Policies, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988).
Answer questions 53 to 60 based on the above passage.
53. One of the key differences between Realists and Liberals is
Liberals believe in the goodness of human nature
Realists argue that the world is anarchic
Liberals focus on the individual and not the state
Realists believe the world of nation-states is inherently conflictual
54. Liberals believe that individuals interests will be aggregated best by the
State
Individuals themselves
Communities
Market
55. Von Hayek, according to the authors, argues that
Humans have created the market
The market emerged on its own
Firms created market
The state created the market
56. The consumer is 'sovereign' when
There are many buyers and sellers
There are many buyers but only one seller
There are many sellers but only one buyer
None of the above
57. The monopolist has control over the consumers in the market when
There are many suppliers and one buyer
There are many suppliers and no buyers
There is only one supplier and many buyers
There are an infinite number of buyers and sellers
58. When firms control prices, the result is
Cartel
Oligopoly
Perfect competition
Monopoly
59. Consumers are disadvantaged when there is
Greater degree of concentration on the supply side
Asymmetry of interdependence between producers and consumers
Monopoly
All of the above
60. Which of the following sentences best captures the main theme of this passage?
Realists give importance to the nation-state whereas liberals focus on individuals who are seen as profit-oriented
Liberals believe that individuals (including firms) are competItIve and maximize their utility through the market and the varied market structures affect economic outcomes
Different market structures can lead to different degrees of interdependence or dependence and these have a varying impact on how the market works
Liberals focus on the origins of markets which they say are created on their own and are not man-made institutions
61. Who among the following vote in the election of the Vice-President?
Members of the Legislative Assemblies
Members of the Legislative Councils
Elected members of the Parliament
Elected and Nominated Members of the Parliament
62. Who among the following described democracy as the "tyranny of the majority"?
J Rousseau
De Tocqueville
John Dunning
Abraham Lincoln
63. Which Lok Sabha enjoyed a term of more than five years?
Fourth Lok Sabha
Fifth Lok Sabha
Sixth Lok Sabha
Eight Lok Sabha
64. Political Culture does not include
Evaluative assessments about the political system
Negative and Positive feelings towards a political system
Decision making in local committees in a political union
Knowledge and skills about the operation of a political system
65. From which of the following did India borrow the doctrine ofJudicial Review?
Great Britain
USA
France
Switzerland
66. Fabianism originated in
Zussia
India
Germany
England
67. The 'metropolitan-satellite' characterisation of states is associated with
Political socialisation
Dependency theory
Institutionalism
State-society approach
68. Modernization theory reflects which of the following perspectives
Functional perspectives
Conflict perspectives
Interactional perspective
Dependency theory
69. Samuel Huntington is the author of
The End of History
The Clash of Civilisations
The End of Ideology
Governing the Commons
70. Which of the following countries supports Seymour Lipset's proposition that "The more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy."
China
Philippines
France
Vietnam
71. Which of the following best describes representative democracy?
It is only found in states with low levels of economic development.
It is only found in rich and industrialized states.
It involves indirect participation through elected representatives.
It is the most widespread form of democracy in Latin America
72. Which of the following provides the foundation for individual rights in Anglo-American jurisprudence?
The French Revolution
The Russian Revolution
The Magna Carta
The Declaration of Independence
73-80
Comprehension
Among the several fields or sub-disciplines into which the discipline of political science is usually divided, comparative politics is the only one that carries a methodological instead of a substantive label. The term "comparative politics" indicates the how but does not specify the what of the analysis. The label is somewhat misleading because both explicit methodological concern and implicit methodological awareness among students of comparative politics have generally not been very high. Indeed, too many students of the field have been what Giovanni Sartori calls "unconscious thinkers" unaware of and not guided by the logic and methods of empirical science, although perhaps well versed in quantitative research techniques. One reason for this unconscious thinking is undoubtedly that the comparative method is such a basic, and basically simple, approach, that a methodology of comparative political analysis does not really exist. As Sartori points out, the other extreme that of the "overconscious thinkers," whose "standards of method and theory are drawn from the physical paradigmatic sciences" is equally unsound. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to "conscious thinking" in comparative politics by focusing on comparison as a method of political inquiry.
In the literature of comparative politics, a wide variety of meanings is attached to the terms "comparison" and "comparative method." The comparative method is defined here as one of the basic methods the others being the experimental, statistical, and case study methods of establishing general empirical propositions. The comparative method is here regarded as a method of discovering empirical relationships among variables, not as a method of measurement. A clear distinction should be made between method and technique. The comparative method is a broad-gauge, general method, not a narrow, specialized technique. The statistical method can be applied to many cases, the comparative method to relativcly few (but at least two) cases, and the case study method to one case.
The principal problems facing the comparative method can be succinctly stated as: many variables, small number of cases. These two problems are closely interrelated. The former is common to virtually all social science research regardless of the particular method applied to it; the latter is peculiar to the comparative method and renders the problem of handling many variables more difficult to solve. Comparative analysis must avoid the danger of being overwhelmed by large numbers of variables and, as a result, losing the possibility of discovering controlled relationships, and it must therefore judiciously restrict itself to the really key variables, omitting those of only marginal importance.
Before turning to a discussion of specific suggestions for minimizing these problems, two general comments are in order. First, if at all possible one should generally use the statistical (or perhaps even the experimental) method instead of the weaker comparative method. But often, given the inevitable scarcity of time, energy, and financial resources, the intensive comparative analysis of a few cases may be more promising than a more superficial statistical analysis of many cases. In such a situation, the most fruitful approach would be to regard the comparative analysis as the first stage of research, in which hypotheses are carefully formulated, and the statistical analysis as the second stage, in which these hypotheses are tested in as large a sample as possible.
(Source: Adapted from Arend Lijphart. 1971. "Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method". American Political Science Review. 65 682-693).
Answer questions 73 to 80 based on the above passage.
73. What is the distinguishing feature of the sub-discipline of comparative politics'?
Methodological dimension
Focus on international studies
Substantive dimension
Focus on area studies
74. Giovanni Sartori is associated with the study of
Federalism
Political Theory
Political Parties and Party Systems
Public Policy
75. Comparative method is a
Technique
Method and technique
Method
Mixed method
76. Which type of research is suitable when the investigator has access to modest resources?
Statistical
Experimental
Case-study
Comparative
77. Hypothesis testing is possible in
Comparative research
Ethnographic research
Statistical research
Case-study research
78. Which of the problems is specific. to comparative politics
Problem of many variables
Problem of many cases
Problem of few cases
Problem of few variables
79. Comparative method can be defined as the analysis of
A small number of cases
A single case
A large number of cases
Multiple variables
80. To discover relationships between key variables comparative analysis must
Increase the number of variables
Focus on limited number of variables
Maximise the number of cases
Focus on a single case
81. Who among the following is closely associated with Human Relations Theory?
Douglas M. McGregor
Elton Mayo
E.N.Gladden
L. Urwick
82. The concept of the 'zone of indifference' is associated with
Decision-Making
Leadership
Authority
Motivation
83. The founding father of theory ofBureaucracy was
Herman Finer
Joseph LaPalombara
Max Weber
Albert Lepawsky
84. Who has analysed leadership in terms of 'circular response'?
Chester I. Bamard
M. P. Follett
Millet
Taylor
85. Simon proposed a new concept of administration based on the methodology of
Decision-making
Policy making
Logical positivism
Satisfying
86. Who wrote the book 'Towards a New Public Administration: The Minnowbrook Perspective'?
Frank Marini
Dwight Waldo
C.J. Charlesworth
J. M. Pfiffner
87. Who rejected the principles of administration as and 'proverbs'?
W. F. Willoughby
Herbert Simon
Chester Barnard
I.D White
88. The classical theory of administration is also known as the
Historical theory
Mechanistic theory
Locational theory
Human Relations theory
89. The theory of 'Prismatic Society' in Public Administration is based on
Study of public services in developed and developing countries
Institutional comparison of public administration in developed countries
Structural-functional analysis of public administration in developing countries
Historical studies of public administration in different societies
90. Which of the following is not included in 'hygiene' factors in the Herzberg's two-factor theory of motivation?
Salary
Working conditions
Company's policy
Responsibility
91. F. W. Taylor, the founding father of Scientific Management movement propounded the theory which was conceived to be a scientific methodology of
Careful observation
Measurement
Generalization
All of these
92. Which one of the following system is adopted for classification of higher civil services in India?
Rank Classification
Position Classification
Unified Grading Structure
All the Above
93-100
Comprehension
In spite of several efforts for promoting rural development through a number of programmes and planning monetary and fiscal policies, the conditions of the rural poor have remained by and large static and the number of rural poor is alarmingly large. What is more, with the steady rise in rural population and prevalent social customs, ignorance, illiteracy, the number is multiplying at the faster rate. In addition, crime and social disorder has been spreading at a faster rate afflicting the social fabric of rural India. The worst affected are the rural poor. This requires that rural development programmes are to be revamped, restructured, planned at the micro-level and implemented, with professional efficiency. The need of the hour is a sound organization and efficient management.
Finally, the success of the various agencies depends upon the persons who are responsible for implementing them. They must have sufficient experience and possess a high level of competence. Team spirit and collective work are essential. There must be channels of free communication in all directions. Decentralization policy must be adopted. Rules and procedures must be made flexible for getting better results from the implementation of the programmes. A programme should have an inbuilt organization, planned approach and professional implementation.
In spite of over five decades of planning and the all-round economic development, the incidence of rural poverty continues unabated. The number of rural people living below poverty line is estimated to be over 31 crores. Over the years, the number of rural people living below the poverty line has increased marginally since the beginning of the planned era. The main source of livelihood in rural India is land. Rural poverty is associated with the ownership patterns of land. Data on ownership of land resources reveal that 12.3 percent of the rural population owned no land, 58.6 per cent owned less than one hectare and 28.0 per cent owned land between I to 2 hectares. What is more, 58.6 per cent of marginal farmers owned only 11.2 per cent (19.50 million hectares) of operated area (165.34 million hectares). The average size of an operational land holding was less than 0.35 hectares. Twenty percent small farmers owned about] 3.8 per cent of operated land with average operated holding of 1.43 hectares. The moot point is whether these agricultural holdings can sustain the bulk of the rural population and if not, what is the alternative possible.
(Source: Vasant Desai, Rural Development in India, Himalaya, 2015).
Answer questions 93 to 100 based on the above passage.
93. To overcome the problem of rural poverty, the need of the hour is
Organizing more anti-poverty programme
A sound organization and efficient management
Rural agitations and movements
Migration to urban areas
94. In the context of increasing crime and social disorder the worst effected section is
Bureaucracy
Political leaders
Rural poor
Media persons
95. The number of rural people living below poverty line is estimated to be
28 crores
12.3 crores
31 crores
40 crores
96. Rural Poverty is basically associated with
Ownership pattern of land
Employment opportunities
Levels of education
Bureaucratic domination
97. The landless population in rural areas is estimated to be
28 percent
40 percent
27.5 percent
12.3 percent
98. The average size of an operational land holding in India is estimated to be
More than 2 hectares
Less than 0.35 hectares
More than 5 hectares
More than 2.5 hectares
99. The percentage of operated land owned by small farmer is
20.5
40.0
25.8
13.8
100. For successful rural development we need
Centralized policy
Decentralized policy
Downward policy
Politicized policy
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